John F. Kennedy’s New World Order Speech (FULL & UNEDITED)

JFK’s famous New World Order speech starts at around 6:35.

“The high office of the president has been used to foment a plot to destroy America’s freedom, and before I leave office I must inform the citizens of this plight.”
– John F. Kennedy November 12, 1963.

Date of Kennedy Assassination : NOV. 22, 1963

You can watch the video on YouTube HERE:



* * *

PayPal: Donate in USD
PayPal: Donate in EUR
PayPal: Donate in GBP

15 thoughts on “John F. Kennedy’s New World Order Speech (FULL & UNEDITED)”

  1. John F. Kennedy would have truly changed the world an America for the better. He would have returned us to our roots as a nation….instead he was shot down like some rabid dog in front of all to see. Yet we still have lying fools like a Michael Medved and other so called intellects denying the conspiracy. One day these evil doers will meet the Lord and have to explain their evil acts to Him…..their day is coming!

  2. Thank you for posting his speech.

    It is obvious by it that Kennedy learned of a threat that was not a conventional war, but a war that was far more sinister.

    He understood that secret societies, and the powerful behind them were responsible for an elaborate plan that was designed to strip people of their freedoms and rights. Kennedy was obviously a problem for the elites because he posed a threat to end the power of the Federal Reserve, and asked journalists to consider well their “second obligation” to use the first amendment to step forward and inform the American people of the threat of what we all know today as the New World Order.

    Kennedy lost his life for the cause, and we should heed the words he gave us almost 58 years ago to have the courage necessary to protect our freedoms.

    Kennedy knew he would be in danger (from the clear and present danger) when he dedicated a cause to appeal to the media that day to follow his lead to expose those that set policy in darkness (the Bilderberg Group), and do what their consciences required.

    We all can look at this call and reflect.

    The mainstream media has succumbed to the new world order, but alternative media has heeded President Kennedy’s call.

    We will have freedom – – in his honor!

  3. I really wanted to hear this speech but it has been removed, probably by the CIA who killed Kennedy for trying to expose the evil people involved in the NWO and for trying to stop the evil corrupt power grabbing CIA. Thanks CIA.

  4. It took me five minutes to prove that the speech attributed to Kennedy at Columbia University on November 12 1963 NEVER TOOK PLACE. Go to the archives of the New York Post for that exact date and you will find the entire day’s schedue for Kennedy at the White House and no mention of any visit to Columbia University. There is no source to be found for that quote anywhere, because it was never actually said by Kennedy. YOU ARE THE SHEEP ready to believe anything that confirms what you want to believe.

    Address, “The President and the Press”, Before the American Newspaper Publishing Association

    April 27, 1961

    Ladies and gentlemen, I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight. You bear heavy responsibilities these days and an article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession. You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx.

    We are told that foreign correspondent Marx, stone broke, and with a family ill and undernourished, constantly appealed to Greeley and managing editor Charles Dana for an increase in his munificent salary of $5 per installment, a salary which he and Engels ungratefully labeled as the “lousiest petty bourgeois cheating.”
    But when all his financial appeals were refused, Marx looked around for other means of livelihood and fame, eventually terminating his relationship with the Tribune and devoting his talents full time to the cause that would bequeath the world the seeds of Leninism, Stalinism, revolution and the cold war.

    If only this capitalistic New York newspaper had treated him more kindly. If only Marx had remained a foreign correspondent, history might have been different. And I hope all publishers will bear this lesson in mind the next time they receive a poverty-stricken appeal for a small increase in the expense account from an obscure newspaperman.

    I have selected as the title of my remarks tonight, “The President and the Press”. Some may suggest that this would be more naturally worded, “The President versus the Press” but those are not my sentiments tonight. It is true, however, that when a well-known diplomat from another country demanded recently that our state department repudiate certain newspaper attacks on his colleagues. It was unnecessary for us to reply that this administration was not responsible for the press. For the press had already made it clear that it was not responsible for this administration. Nevertheless, my purpose here tonight is not to deliver the usual assault on the so-called one-party press. On the contrary in recent months I have rarely heard any complaints about political bias in the press except form a few republicans. Nor is it my purpose tonight to discuss or defend the televising of presidential press conferences. I think it is highly beneficial to have some 20 million Americans regularly sit it on these conferences to observe, if I may say so, the incisive, intelligent and the courteous qualities displayed by your Washington correspondents. Nor finally are these remarks intended to examine the proper degree of privacy, which the press should allow to any president and his family. If in the last few months your White House reporters and photographers have been attending church services with regularity; that has surely done them no harm. On the other hand, I realize that your staff and wire service photographers may be complaining that they do not enjoy the same green privileges, the local golf courses which they once did. It is true that my predecessor did not object as I do to pictures of ones golfing skill in action. But neither on the other hand, had he ever been a secret service man.

    My topic tonight is a more sober one of concern to publishers as well as editors. I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large in the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future for reducing this threat, or living with it, there is no escaping the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security—a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity. This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the president—two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we ought to meet this national peril. I refer first to the need of far greater public information and the need for far greater official secrecy.
    The very word “secrecy” is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
    But I do ask every publisher, every editor, and every newsman in the nation to reexamine his own standards and to recognize the nature of our country’s peril. In time of war, the government and the press have customarily joined in an effort based largely on self-discipline to prevent unauthorized disclosures to the enemy. In times of clear and present danger, the courts have held that even the privileged rights of the first amendment must yield to the country’s need for national security. Today no war has been declared — and however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those who make themselves our enemy are advancing around the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And yet no war has been declared, no borders have been crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.
    If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to our security. If you are awaiting a finding of “clear and present danger,” then I can only say that the danger has never been more clear and its presence has never been more imminent.

    It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions — by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence — on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations. Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.
    Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security — and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.
    But the facts of the matter are that this nation’s foes have openly boasted of acquiring through our newspapers information they would otherwise hire agents to acquire through theft, bribery or espionage. The details of this nation’s covert preparations to counter the enemies covert operations have been available to every newspaper reader, friend and foe alike. That the size, the strength, the location and the nature of our forces and weapons, and our plans and strategy for their use have all been pinpointed in the press and other news media to a degree sufficient to satisfy any foreign power. And that in at least one case, the publication of details concerning a secret mechanism whereby satellites were followed required its alteration at the expense of considerable time and money.
    The newspapers which printed these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible and well-meaning. Had we been engaged in open warfare, they undoubtedly would not have published such items, but in the absence of open warfare, they recognized only the tests of journalism and not the tests of national security and my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopted. That question is for you alone to answer. No public official should answer it for you. No governmental plan should impose its restraints against your will, but I would be failing in my duty to the nation, considering all of the responsibilities that we now fair and all of the means at hand to meet those responsibilities if I did not commend this problem to your attention and urge its thoughtful consideration.
    On many earlier occasions I have said, and your newspapers have constantly said, that these are times that appeal to every citizen’s sense of sacrifice and self-discipline. They call out to every citizen to weigh his rights and comforts against his obligations to the common good. I cannot now believe that those citizens who serve in the newspaper business consider themselves exempt from that appeal. I have no intention of establishing a new office of war information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to reexamine their own responsibilities and consider the degree and the nature of the present danger and to heed to duty of self-restraint, which that danger imposes upon us all.
    Every newspaper now asks itself with respect to every story, “Is it news?” All I suggest is that you add the question, “Is it in the interest of national security?” And I hope that every group in America: unions and businessmen and public officials at every level will ask the same question of their endeavors and subject their actions to this same exact test. And should the press of America consider and recommend the voluntary assumption of specific new steps or machinery then I can assure you that we will cooperate wholeheartedly with those recommendations. Perhaps there will be no recommendations. Perhaps there is no answer to the dilemma faced by a free and open society in a cold and secret war.
    In times of peace any discussion of this subject and any action that results are both painful and without precedent. But this is a time of peace and peril which knows no precedent in history. It is the unprecedented nature of this challenge that also gives rise to your second obligation, an obligation which I share, and that is our obligation to inform and alert the American people to make certain that they possess all the facts that they need and understand them as well: the perils, the prospects, the purposes of our program and the choices that we face.
    No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.

    I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers—I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: “An error doesn’t become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.” We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
    Without debate, without criticism, no administration and no country can succeed—and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment—the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution—not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply “give the public what it wants”—but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.

    This means greater coverage and analysis of international news—for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security—and we intend to do it.
    It was early in the Seventeenth Century that Francis Bacon remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations first forged by the compass have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world’s efforts to live together, the evolution of gunpowder to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure.

    And so it is to the printing press—to the recorder of man’s deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news—that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.

  6. mimi alford , threw her self at jfk(like monica did bill clinton lol ) ,even did his male staff in order to see him lol she said JFK told her to have sex with white house staff lol.remenber when said, she did dave Powers lol she said she did oral sex lol That jfk did not kiss her lol she kiss and tell lol .She ended up interviewing Mrs. Kennedy’s social secretary instead and briefly met the president JFK.(at white house). A year later, in her freshman year atWheaton College in Massachusetts, she received an offer to be a White House intern despite never having applied for the position.Lessthan a week into her internship, she was invited to a pool party by JFK aide David Powers. She claims Powers served her daiquiris beforeKennedy gave her a private tour of the White House “(I was) really feeling as if I was being pulled by a magnet,’’ Alford said. “It wasn’t
    something that I had planned, certainly not something that I was expecting to have happened. On the other hand, I think I allowed it to
    happen.Her book offers other salacious details, including a pregnancy scare and her claim that she was upstairs in the president’s
    bedroom while he was negotiating with Soviet Union leader Nikita Khrushchev during the Cuban missile crisis.“The thing that is so amazing
    to me is that it all felt very natural,’’ she said. “I didn’t feel like I was really hiding. I felt like it was natural.’’she said that jfk told to have sex with his white house staff lol she said she would do it all over again lol.she said she was at his beck -call lol she met at hotels lol she at the bottom of the car not sit on the car seat at jfk feet so she could worship him at be at his knees lol.

  7. The speech was given in 1961, not 1963 just days before the assassination.

    And the speech was given to newspaper owners, publishers, and reporters, and writers.


Leave a Comment

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.